ARTICLE IV – STATES

It was a powerful idea because it conveyed a fundamental truth: Government should be based on clearly written laws, consented to by those to be governed by them, and not on the unpredictable will of one man or even a few men.

Original 13 states

Section 1

Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.

Section 2

The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.

A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.

No Person held to Service or Labour,(sic) in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour,(sic) but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour (sic) may be due.

Section 3

New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new States shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. (1)

The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.

Section 4

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic Violence.

(1) The admission of West Virginia in the midst of a war was an unusual event in the history of our nation. The circumstances of its admission leaves doubt as to whether the granting of statehood to West Virginia had a basis in law.

The original State of Virginia was a state zealously sought by both the Federal Government and the emerging Confederacy prior to the outbreak of hostilities.

Most of the individuals consenting to the creation of West Virginia would later live in and be actively involved in its affairs. The overwhelming majority of individuals voting for the separation lived in that area that was to be torn from the “Old Dominion.”

The dubious constitutional authorization for West Virginia came up often during the debate leading to statehood. Senator Powell of Kentucky questioned whether the Restored Legislature of Virginia represented the will of loyal Virginia.

Out of the 160 counties that comprise the state of Virginia, less than one-fourth have assumed to act for the entire state, even within the boundaries of the new state more than half of the voters have declined to take part in the election. No Senator could pretend to claim that even a 3d part of the people of Virginia ever had anything to do with rendering their assent to the making of this state within the territorial limits of the ancient commonwealth.10

Representative Joseph Segar of Virginia was alone in his delegation opposing West Virginia statehood. He maintained in a House debate that “there is no evidence that the majority of people within the counties which were to compose the new state had ever given its assent to its formation.”11 He called the statehood bill a punitive measure chastening Virginia.

In the same theme Representative James Blaine of Maine argued that “essentially the government of West Virginia was giving permission to the formation of a new state of West Virginia.”12

Representative Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania expressed an opinion held by many.

We may admit West Virginia as a new state, not by virtue of any provision of the constitution, but under an absolute power which the laws of war give us. I shall vote for this bill upon that theory, for I will not stultify myself by supposing that we have any warrant in the constitution for this processing.

Even after West Virginia was admitted to the Union, Senator Davis of Kentucky objected to seating its Senators in the upper house.

“I hold that there is, legally and constitutionally no such state in existence as the state of West Virginia and consequently no senators from such a state. My object is simply to raise a question to be put upon the record, and to have my name as a Senator recorded against the recognition of West Virginia as a state of the United States. I do not believe that the Old Dominion, like a polypus, can be separated into different segments, and each segment become a living constitutional organism in this node. The present state of West Virginia as it has been organized, and as it is seeking representation on the floor of the Senate, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution.”

Even President Lincoln had doubts about the legality of admitting West Virginia to the Union.

“We can scarcely dispense with the aid of West Virginia in this struggle, much less can we afford to have her against us, in Congress and in the field. Her brave and good men regard her admission into the union as a matter of life and death. They have been true to the union under many severe trials. The division of a state is dreaded as a precedent but a measure expedient by a war is no precedent for times of peace.

It is said that the admission of West Virginia is secession, and tolerated only because it is our secession. Well, if we call it by that name, there is still difference enough between secession against the constitution and secession in favor of the constitution. I believe the admission of West Virginia into the union is expedient.

 Irascible old John Adams enshrined the concept of “a government of laws, not of men,” in the 1780 Massachusetts state constitution, but his words expressed a firm conviction held throughout the 13 colonies in the years leading to the American Revolution.
It was a powerful idea because it conveyed a fundamental truth: Government should be based on clearly written laws, consented to by those to be governed by them, and not on the unpredictable will of one man or even a few men.

John Adams, (as well as many of the other Founding Fathers) would arguably be greatly disturbed at the flaunting of the Constitution for which they gave their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor, not only in the creation of West Virginia, but in countless other instances since then where politicians not only to get away with ignoring the law but with continually replacing it with the will of one man called “Mr. President” or a few men called “bureaucrats”?

Red tape

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