
We are going through a great mass
derangement. In public and in private, people are behaving in ways that
are increasingly irrational, feverish, herd-like and unpleasant. The
news is filled with the consequences. Yet while we see the symptoms
everywhere, we don’t see the causes.
Various explanations have been given, usually involving Donald Trump,
Brexit, or both. But these explanations don’t get to the root cause of
what is happening. For beneath all the day-to-day madnesses – over race,
sex, sexuality, gender and the rest – are much greater movements and
much bigger events. Even the origin of this mass derangement is rarely
acknowledged. This is the simple fact that we have been living through a
period of more than a quarter of a century in which all our grand
narratives about our existence have collapsed.
Religion went first, falling away from the 19th Century onwards. Then,
over the past century, the secular hopes held out by all political
ideologies followed. In the latter part of the 20th Century, we entered
the post-modern era, defined by its suspicion towards grand narratives.
However, nature abhors a vacuum. People in today’s wealthy Western
democracies could not simply remain the first people in recorded history
to have no explanation for what we are doing here and no story to give
life purpose.
The question of what exactly we are meant to do now – other than get
rich and have fun – was going to have to be answered by something. The
answer that has presented itself in recent years has been to live in a
permanent state of outrage. To find meaning by waging constant war
against anybody who seems to be on the wrong side of a question to which
the answer has only just been altered.
The bewildering speed of this process has been principally caused by the
Silicon Valley giants (notably Google, Twitter and Facebook). They have
the power not just to direct what most people in the world know, think
and say, but have a business model which has accurately been described
as relying on finding ‘customers ready to pay to modify someone else’s
behaviour’.
But today’s wars of ideas are not random – they are consistently being
fought in a new and particular direction. And that direction has a
purpose that is vast. The purpose – unwitting in some people, deliberate
in others – is nothing less than to embed a new religion into our
societies.
though the foundations had been laid over several decades, it is only
since the financial crash of 2008 that there has been a march into the
mainstream of ideas that were previously known solely on the obscurest
fringes of academia.
The interpretation of the world through the lens of ‘social justice’ and
‘identity group politics’ is probably the most audacious and
comprehensive effort since the end of the Cold War at creating a new
ideology.
To date, ‘social justice’ has run the furthest because it sounds – and
in some versions is – attractive. Even the term is set up to be
impossible to argue with. ‘You’re opposed to social justice? What do you
want, social injustice?’
The attractions are obvious. After all, why should a generation which
can’t accumulate capital have any great love of capitalism? And it isn’t
hard to work out why a generation who believe they may never own a home
could be attracted to an ideological world view which promises to sort
out every inequality. The place where social justice finds its warriors
is identity politics. This atomises society into different interest
groups according to sex (or gender), race, sexual preference and more.
It presumes that such characteristics are the main, or only, relevant
attributes of their holders and that they bring an added bonus. As the
American writer Coleman Hughes has put it, it assumes there is ‘a
heightened moral knowledge’ that comes with being black or female or
gay. It’s why people start statements with ‘Speaking as a …’. And this
new religion is something that people both living and dead must be on
the right side of.
That’s why there are calls to pull down statues of historical figures
viewed as being on the wrong side and it is why the past needs to be
rewritten to suit any interest group you wish to champion.
Identity politics is where minority groups are encouraged to
simultaneously atomise, organise and go on the attack. Tied into this is
something social justice warriors call ‘intersectionality’ – the notion
that there is a hierarchy of oppressed minorities and society should
organise itself around correcting this.
Today, intersectionality has broken out from the social science
departments of the universities from which it originated into the
mainstream. It’s now taken seriously by millennials and has become
embedded via employment law (through a ‘commitment to diversity’) in all
major corporations and governments.
The speed at which the ‘social justice’ causes have taken over everyday
life is staggering. Once-obscure phrases such as ‘LGBTQ’, ‘white
privilege’, ‘the patriarchy’ and ‘transphobia’ are suddenly heard
everywhere – even though in the words of mathematician Eric Weinstein,
they were ‘all made up about 20 minutes ago’. The policing of these
issues is an even more recent phenomenon. Researchers found that phrases
like ‘triggered’ and ‘feeling unsafe’ only spiked in usage from 2013
onwards.
It is as though, having worked out what it wanted, the new religion took
a further half-decade to work out how to impose its credo on
non-believers. But it has done so with frightening success.
The maddening results can be seen on a daily basis. It’s why a British
academic study which found muscular, wealthy men are more attractive
could be headlined by Newsweek magazine as: ‘Men with muscles and money
are more attractive to straight women and gay men – showing gender roles
aren’t progressing.’
It’s why a previously completely unknown programmer at Google could be
sacked for writing a memo suggesting some tech jobs appeal more to men
than women. It is why The New York Times ran a piece by a black author
with the title: ‘Can my children be friends with white people?’ And it’s
why a piece about cycling deaths in London written by a woman was
framed through the headline: ‘Roads designed by men are killing women.’
Such rhetoric exacerbates existing divisions and creates new ones. For
what purpose? Rather than showing how we can all get along better, the
lessons of the last decade appear to be exacerbating a sense that in
fact we aren’t very good at living with each other.
For most people, awareness of this new religion has become clear not so
much by trial as by public error. Because one thing that everybody has
begun to sense in recent years is that a set of tripwires have been laid
across the culture. Among the first tripwires was anything to do with
homosexuality. In the latter half of the 20th Century, there was a fight
for gay equality which rightly succeeded in reversing a terrible
historic injustice. Then, the war having been won, it didn’t stop.
Indeed it began morphing. GLB (Gay, Lesbian, Bi) became LGB so as not to
diminish lesbians. Then a T for ‘trans’ and a Q for ‘queer’ or
‘questioning’ got added. Then the movement behaved – in victory – as its
opponents once did, as oppressors.
When the boot was on the other foot, something ugly happened.
A decade ago, almost nobody was supportive of gay marriage. Even gay
rights group Stonewall wasn’t in favour. Now it’s a central tenet of
modern liberalism. To fail the gay marriage test – only years after
almost everybody failed it – is to put yourself beyond the pale.
People may agree with or disagree with gay marriage. But to shift mores
so fast needs to be done with sensitivity and deep thought. Yet we
engage in neither.
Other issues followed a similar pattern. Women’s rights had also been
steadily accumulated throughout the 20th Century. They too appeared to
be arriving at some sort of settlement. Then, just as the train appeared
to be reaching its desired destination, it filled with steam again and
went roaring off into the distance. What had been barely disputed until
yesterday became a cause to destroy someone’s life today. Whole careers
were scattered and strewn as the train careered along its path.
Careers like that of the 72-year-old Nobel Prize-winning UCL Professor
Tim Hunt were destroyed after one lame joke, at a conference in South
Korea, about men and women falling in love in the lab. What was the
virtue of making relations between the sexes so fraught? Why, when women
had broken through more glass ceilings than at any other time, did talk
of ‘the patriarchy’ seep out of feminist fringes and into popular
culture?
In a similar fashion, the civil rights movement in America, which
started to right the most appalling of all historic wrongs, looked like
it was moving towards some hoped-for resolution. Again, near the point
of victory everything soured.
Just as things appeared better than ever before, the rhetoric started suggesting things had never been worse.
The most recent tripwire addition, and most toxic of all of them, is the
trans issue. It affects the fewest number of people, but is
nevertheless fought over with an almost unequalled ferocity and rage.
Women who have got on the wrong side of the issue, including notable
feminists like Julie Bindel and Suzanne Moore, have been hounded by
people who used to be men.
Meanwhile, mothers and fathers who voice concerns that ten years ago
would have been considered common sense have their fitness to be parents
questioned. People who will not concede that men can be women (and vice
versa) can amazingly now expect a knock on the door from police.
Last September, a billboard that comprised the dictionary definition
‘woman: noun, adult human female’ was taken down after someone
complained it was a ‘symbol that makes transgender people feel unsafe’.
Everyone knows what they will be called if their foot nicks against
society’s new tripwires. Bigot, homophobe, sexist, misogynist, racist
and transphobe are for starters. To avoid these accusations, citizens
must prove their commitment to fashionable causes.
How might somebody demonstrate virtue in this new world? By being
‘anti-racist’, clearly. By being an ‘ally’ to LGBT people, obviously. By
stressing how ardent your desire is to bring down the patriarchy.
And this creates a situation where public avowals of loyalty to the
system must be made regardless of whether it’s needed. It’s an extension
of a problem in liberalism identified by the late political philosopher
Kenneth Minogue as ‘St George in retirement’ syndrome. After slaying
the dragon, the warrior finds himself stalking the land looking for more
glorious fights. Eventually, after tiring himself out in pursuit of
ever-smaller dragons, he may eventually be found swinging his sword at
thin air, imagining dragons.
Today our public life is dense with people desperate to slay imagined
dragons. On all the big issues, an increasing number of people, with the
law on their side, now pretend that all questions have been resolved,
all answers agreed upon – and that no good person can have any doubts.
The case is very much otherwise.
Each of these issues is infinitely more complex and unstable than our
societies admit. Yet while the endless contradictions, fabrications and
fantasies within each are visible, identifying them is not just
discouraged but policed.
And so we are asked to agree to things which we cannot believe, and told
not to object to things to which most people object, such as giving
children drugs to stop them going through puberty or allowing men who
self-identify as female to use female toilets. The pain that comes from
being expected to remain silent on important matters and perform
impossible leaps on others is tremendous, not least because the problems
are so evident.
As anyone who has lived under totalitarianism can attest, there is
something demeaning and eventually soul-destroying about being expected
to go along with claims you do not believe to be true.
If the belief is that all people should be regarded as having equal
value and be accorded equal dignity, then that may be all well and good.
But if you’re asked to believe there are no differences between men and
women, racism and anti-racism, homosexuality and heterosexuality, then
this will drive you to distraction. That distraction is something we’re
in the middle of and something we must try to find our way out from. If
we fail, the direction of travel is clear.
We face not just a future of ever-greater atomisation, rage and
violence, but a future in which the possibility of a backlash against
all rights advances – including the good ones – grows more likely.
A future in which racism is responded to with racism, denigration based
on gender is responded to with denigration based on gender. At some
stage of humiliation there is simply no reason for majority groups not
to retaliate with the exact same weapons that have worked so well on
themselves.
Great article, very insightful.
On Mon, Sep 16, 2019, 9:11 AM Tales From The Deep State wrote:
> tortminder posted: ” We are going through a great mass derangement. In > public and in private, people are behaving in ways that are increasingly > irrational, feverish, herd-like and unpleasant. The news is filled with the > consequences. Yet while we see the symptoms” >